Proposed Alberta separation referendum question approved

[Dr Strangelove]

Can we just shoot them on site?

[al_keda]

I think there should be a bounty on pelts, like we used to have for Coyotes.

[Dr Strangelove]

For reference.

[Dr Strangelove]

[Dr Strangelove]

The past 30 minutes have been wild.

US Energy Secretary Chris Wright posted that a US Ship had officially gone through the Strait of Hormuz.

Markets loved it, oil tanked, the idea that war was coming to an end started to have some legitimacy.

Then, he deleted the tweet, which got markets to think things aren't actually going well.

Now, Karoline Levitt confirms that a US Ship has NOT gone through the Strait and oil is now pumping again:

[Dr Strangelove]

The war with Iran will last at least two more weeks and is unlikely to lead to the fall of the ayatollah regime — Ynet

According to the outlet, the euphoria of the first days of the operation has been replaced by disappointment: the Iranian leadership appears stable, and scenarios involving an internal uprising or a rapid regime change look unlikely.

Reports say Benjamin Netanyahu is already preparing Israeli society for the possibility that the war may end without the collapse of the ayatollah regime.

Israeli sources also believe that the decision on when the campaign ends will ultimately depend on U.S. President Donald Trump.

[Dr Strangelove]

Iran is not on a suicide mission. It is on autopilot. And nobody in Tehran can reach the controls.

In 2003, Major General Mohammad Ali Jafari watched the United States decapitate Saddam Hussein’s centralised command structure in three weeks. He spent the next four years at the IRGC Strategic Studies Centre designing a military architecture that could never be decapitated. In September 2007, he was appointed IRGC Commander and immediately restructured Iran’s entire military into 31 autonomous provincial commands, one per province, each with independent headquarters, command and control, missile and drone arsenals, fast-attack boat flotillas, integrated Basij militias, pre-delegated launch authority, stockpiled munitions, and sealed contingency orders. The doctrine was built for one scenario: the death of the Supreme Leader.

That scenario arrived on 28 February 2026. The doctrine activated within hours. It has been running ever since.

The question nobody has asked is whether anyone inside the Islamic Republic can turn it off.

No. The reason is constitutional.

Article 110 of Iran’s 1979 Constitution vests sole command authority over all armed forces exclusively in the Supreme Leader. He alone is commander-in-chief. He alone appoints and dismisses military leadership. No other institution, not the President, not the Parliament, not the Guardian Council, not the judiciary, possesses constitutional power to issue military orders or rescind the Supreme Leader’s directives.

Ali Khamenei issued the pre-delegation orders. Ali Khamenei is dead. Mojtaba Khamenei was appointed successor on 8th March. He has not spoken. He has not appeared. He has issued no verifiable order. He was wounded in an airstrike and has never addressed his nation in his life. The sole constitutional authority that could override 31 autonomous commands exists in an office occupied by a man who may not be capable of exercising it.

Ghalibaf can reject ceasefires. He cannot order the IRGC to stop. Pezeshkian can issue statements. He cannot countermand a provincial commander in Bushehr launching anti-ship missiles at a tanker. The Guardian Council can vet legislation. It cannot revoke firing authority issued by a dead commander-in-chief whose orders remain legally binding until a living one explicitly rescinds them. No living one has.

The 31 commands are not disobeying. They are obeying. The last orders said: fight independently, with whatever you have, for as long as it takes, without waiting for instructions that may never come. Those orders were designed to survive the death of the man who issued them. That was the entire purpose of Jafari’s twenty-year project.

For insurers: no counterparty can guarantee cessation across 31 independent actors.

For diplomats: no signatory can bind commands they do not control.

For military planners: no single headquarters whose destruction ends the campaign.

For Gulf states: each faces localised harassment from the adjacent Iranian province’s fast-attack boats, drones, and coastal missiles without any central coordination to intercept or negotiate with.

For markets: seven P&I clubs modelled the probability that all 31 commands would simultaneously honour any agreement and concluded near zero. That calculation has not changed because the constitutional mechanism that could compel compliance does not functionally exist.

The doctrine was not designed to win. It was designed to make losing impossible. Jafari studied how centralised armies die. He built one that cannot.

The machine runs without a pilot. The pilot is dead. And the constitution says only the pilot could have turned it off.